Liberation Strategies in South Africa

By Miracle Nyarega

Introduction

Liberation movements within South Africa did not emerge as a solitary conflict. Many battles existed which were conducted through various methods during diverse historical periods. Different groups of individuals attempted distinct strategies so that they could liberate their own lives from the systems of colonialism, segregation, and apartheid.¹ Letters and petitions were composed by some participants. Unions were established by others who then proceeded to engage in labor strikes. Firearms were utilized by certain groups. Many people believe that the act of marching through streets and refusing to pay rents also occurred. Through the reaching of an conclusion, discussions with the government were initiated by representatives.

The reasons behind the constant shifting of these strategic arrangements were three-fold. Primarily, the governing body frequently altered the regulations that were in place. Organizations were prohibited by the authorities, leadership figures were detained, and peaceful demonstrators were targeted with gunfire.² Many observers believe that these actions compelled individuals to seek alternative methods of resistance. Secondarily, knowledge was gained by the participants from the errors they committed. When a specific arrangement was defeated or unsuccessful, a different path was sought by the people. Furthermore, various age groups and diverse factions possessed differing perspectives regarding which actions would yield results or which hazards were acceptable to endure.

This essay will examine four significant methodologies: constitutional petitioning, non-violent mass action, armed struggle, and Black Consciousness, alongside mass democratic action combined with negotiation.³ That each strategy emerged because the preceding approach encountered failure will be demonstrated. Many scholars believe that organizations, particularly the ANC, modified their tactical orientations when the ruling authorities blocked existing paths and created fresh arenas for conflict. Because the government restricted legal avenues, the movement was forced to transform its identity through these various stages of resistance.

Strategy One: Petitions and the Belief in British Justice

Petitions and sending delegations to the United Kingdom were the primary methods chosen by African and Coloured leaders in the beginning. Strong conviction regarding the fairness of British justice motivated this specific plan. Dr Abdurahman, John Tengo Jabavu, Walter Rubusana, A.K. Soga, and Thomas Mapikela maintained the idea that the British government would protect them if the grievances were explained in a calm and honourable manner.⁴ It has been observed that these leaders expected a listening ear from the authorities when respect was shown. British justice was trusted by these individuals to defend their rights because they relied on peaceful communication.

For what reason did these leaders implement this specific plan? The explanation resides within the political environment of that historical period. Within the Cape Colony, the Constitution of 1853 granted political participation to every individual regardless of their social standing or skin pigmentation. African males who possessed a sufficient amount of land were permitted to cast their ballots.⁵ This legal framework provided significant optimism to African leaders. It was believed by these individuals that the ballot box, the judicial system, and the newspapers could be utilized to protect their entitlements. The conviction was held that the British Empire represented the principle of equity. It was stated by Jabavu that the declarations made by the administration of Queen Victoria in 1853, which suggested that all residents of the Cape should be joined together regardless of class or colour, functioned as the foundational document for the freedoms of Cape Africans.⁶

The year 1884 saw the commencement of Imvo Zabantsundu as a central element of this strategy. According to the explanation provided by Odendaal, these emerging African intellectuals required an independent news publication to provide guidance to the developing stages of political gathering, accurately reflect African perspectives, and safeguard their legal entitlements.⁷ The group previously depended on missionary publications such as Isigidimi, but these platforms were managed by external authorities who prohibited the printing of any writing that challenged the governance of Great Britain. Imvo Zabantsundu transformed into a primary channel for expressing African political opinions. The news organization offered observations regarding election cycles, offered backing to white candidates like James Rose-Innes who respected African liberties, and encouraged African individuals with voting power to complete their enrollment. Many researchers believe that this shift was necessary because the earlier religious papers restricted the freedom of expression for the local population. It has been observed that when these intellectuals gained their own platform, the movement for civil rights gained significant strength.⁸

Historical records show that the greatest instance for this strategy occurred during the year 1909. The British Parliament was evaluating the South Africa Act at that time, which was intended to establish the Union of South Africa. Because the draft Act included a “colour bar,” the political rights belonging to African and Coloured people in the Cape were going to be removed. As a result of these events, African and Coloured leaders organized the South African Native Convention within Bloemfontein during March 1909.⁹ Political leaders from various colonies were seen working together for the first time during this specific gathering. Many people believe that these representatives demanded “full and equal rights and privileges... applicable alike to all citizens without distinction of class, colour or creed” when they passed their formal resolutions.¹⁰ The South Africa Act was challenged because the leaders sought equality for every resident.

Because the draft Act remained unchanged by those efforts, a group of representatives was dispatched to London so that the British Parliament could be petitioned directly. This formal appeal, which carried the signatures of W.P. Schreiner, Abdullah Abdurahman, John Tengo Jabavu and various others, maintained that the Bill would introduce prejudice against individuals who were not of European descent for the initial time within the legislative record of that assembly.¹¹ It was observed by experts that the petitioners requested the House of Commons to modify the aforementioned Bill so that the established political freedoms of the coloured and native subjects of His Majesty would be guarded. Discrimination was being created by this legislation against subjects who lacked European heritage.

The entire strategy resulted in total collapse. The South Africa Act was ratified by the British Parliament without a single alteration being made. That the delegation returned to their home country with empty hands remains a historical fact. This specific disappointment served as a moment of great transition. Through this event, it was observed by African leaders that relying on the fairness of the British legal system or submitting formal petitions would no longer suffice.¹² After the legislation was confirmed, Imvo recorded that the strike of the hammer had landed. The Native and Coloured people are forced by these circumstances to understand that a fresh period of history in South Africa is commencing. In this coming era, these individuals with low income and no rights will be required to rely solely on their own strength. Many people believe that the era of gentle pleading has reached its conclusion. A different method of action was required because the old ways provided no protection.

Strategy Two: Non-Violent Mass Action and Organisation

African people searched for different methods of struggle when the act of petitioning was not successful. Mass coordination and resistance without violence were chosen by these individuals. This historical period was defined by labor associations, work stoppages, purchasing refusals, and the significant Defiance Campaign. The primary concept was uncomplicated because many people believe that words on paper by themselves would not achieve results. Human beings had to gather in large groups so that the weight of their population could exert force upon the ruling authorities and those who provide working positions.

The Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union (ICU), which Clements Kadalie established in 1919, represents a primary instance of this tactical approach. This organization functioned as a trade union that sought the unification of every black employee—including African, Coloured, and Indian individuals of both genders—into a single massive entity.¹³ It has been observed that the historical records in 'I See You': The ICU, 1919–1930 demonstrate how the Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union (ICU) successfully mobilized individuals in the maritime sector, manufacturing plants, agricultural fields, and private households. Various methods such as industrial strikes, consumer boycotts, and large public gatherings were utilized by the Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union (ICU) so that improved compensation and better safety in the working position could be secured. The phrase “I See You” was adopted as the official motto, and the Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union (ICU) turned this greeting into a potent representation of collective strength and defiance.¹⁴

The reason for the ICU selecting this strategy is clear. Laborers of African descent were experiencing harsh treatment within the industrial sites, agricultural fields, and mineral extraction zones. Because these individuals possessed no legal authority to alter their circumstances, trade unionism offered a method to resist against minimal compensation and hazardous environments. According to the writings of Kadalie in 1923, the ICU functioned as “a great labor organization of black men and women, striving for better treatment and higher wages.”¹⁵ A political objective was also maintained by the ICU. Termination of pass laws was demanded, while the formal acceptance of black labor groups and expanded civil liberties were sought. It has been observed that the governing document of the ICU stated that peace cannot exist between the two social ranks, as a conflict regarding the sharing of wealth created by human effort will persist until the industrial bodies of the workers seize the tools of creation from the wealthy ownership group.¹⁶

Weaknesses of a heavy nature existed within the ICU. According to the arguments presented by Bradford in A Taste of Freedom, the ICU depended excessively on large gatherings and influential orators such as Kadalie. Strong and disciplined organizational frameworks were not constructed by the movement. Working individuals entered and exited the group frequently. People were observed to purchase a red card during a public gathering and then vanish shortly after. Leaders offered significant pledges regarding liberty that those leaders lacked the capacity to fulfill.¹⁷ As Bradford notes, many people believe that most black individuals viewed activists solely as articulate men who stirred emotions for a brief moment. By the final years of the 1920s, the ICU had fractured and lost its influence because the internal foundation was not stable.¹⁸

Despite the challenges, the ICU remained significant. Large-scale mobilization demonstrated that a gathering of thousands of individuals could confront both the ruling authorities and those who provide working positions. Different methods of quiet struggle were encouraged by these events. During the 1940s and 1950s, a strategy of non-violent collective movement was implemented by the African National Congress (ANC). Actions such as refusing to purchase goods, stopping labor, and intentionally violating unfair regulations were utilized. The Defiance Campaign of 1952 is recognized as the most prominent instance of this behavior. More than 8,000 individuals violated apartheid laws and entered prison by their own choice.¹⁹ It has been observed by Nelson Mandela in his testimony from the courtroom that the struggle was founded upon the rules of quiet opposition. Nelson Mandela stated that no single act of aggression was committed by any participant during the duration of the Defiance Campaign of 1952.²⁰

Various practical and moral justifications existed regarding why the ANC selected this specific strategy. From a practical perspective, non-violent mass action was recognized as the superior method for gathering many individuals while gaining assistance from global nations. Morally, a conviction toward peaceful resistance was maintained by the ANC. A desire to prevent a civil war was expressed by the leadership because the destruction of the nation was feared. The vision of the organization was demonstrated through the Freedom Charter, which was adopted in 1955.²¹ It is stated by the document that South Africa belongs to every person residing within the borders, including black and white residents, and experts claim that no government holds legitimate power unless the authority originates from the desire of every citizen.²²

The political administration responded to the non-violent demonstrations by using increased physical force. During the Sharpeville Massacre of 1960, the reality that peaceful resistance had reached a boundary was revealed when the law enforcement officers fired upon and ended the lives of 69 individuals who carried no weapons.²³ It was observed that the ruling authorities prohibited the ANC and the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) from operating. Because many influential figures were detained or compelled to depart from the nation, the path of harmony was blocked. A significant shift in the overall plan was triggered when these peaceful alternatives were terminated by the state.

Strategy Three: Armed Struggle and Black Consciousness

The Sharpeville Massacre and the prohibition of the liberation movements during the year 1960 compelled the community to reconsider their path. Nelson Mandela clarified the situation by stating that the law was initially broken in a manner that prevented the use of physical force. It is often observed by historians that when the Government enacted regulations against peaceful protest and utilized military power to destroy those who disagreed with state laws, the decision was made to respond to aggression with aggression.²⁴ In 1961, the ANC established Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK), which functioned as the military branch of the organization. A series of deliberate destruction activities directed at state structures and electrical facilities was initiated because the political environment had transformed.²⁵

Why did the ANC turn to armed struggle? The answer lies in the situation. Many people believe that peaceful protest had been made impossible because the government used violence. As Mandela argued, “without violence there would be no way open to the African people to succeed in their struggle against the principle of white supremacy. All lawful modes of expressing opposition to this principle had been closed by legislation.”²⁶ Since the ANC wanted to lead the population, armed struggle became a method where the anger of individuals with low income was moved into disciplined action. Sabotage was selected as the strategy—attacks on empty buildings—because the ANC preferred that killing people should be avoided. As Mandela said, “Had we intended to attack life we would have selected targets where people congregated and not empty buildings and power stations.”²⁷ It has been observed that the ANC chose specific targets so that the movement remained ethical while fighting for a new working position in society.

The PAC applied the methods of physical confrontation by employing the services of Poqo, which functioned as the military branch of the organization. Magadla argues that Poqo secured the most significant backing from inhabitants of the countryside who harbored deep resentment toward the governing body and tribal leaders.²⁸ It has been observed by historians that the PAC scheduled a widespread rebellion for the year 1963, yet the uprising was utterly dismantled by the government apparatus. Numerous followers of Poqo were apprehended by the police, and various individuals were put to death through official execution. The path of violent resistance within South Africa remained a difficult and hazardous journey. Many political campaigners were murdered, confined in correctional facilities, or pushed into living across the borders as refugees.²⁹

Steve Biko and the South African Students' Organisation guided this movement, and these leaders maintained that liberating the human intellect held the same weight as achieving political liberty. Steve Biko explained in “White Racism and Black Consciousness” that the primary instrument utilized by those who hold power is the mental state of the persons who are being dominated.³⁰ It has been observed by experts that when the thoughts of a person are managed and steered by an authority so that the person views their own existence as a burden to the white man, that dominated individual becomes unable to perform any action that truly creates fear in the ruling authorities. Black Consciousness remains a vital historical concept because the psychological state of the people determines the success of their struggle.

Black Consciousness dismissed the notion that white liberals were able to direct the movement of black individuals. Biko stated that total identification with a marginalized community within a social system that compels one collective to possess advantage while existing upon the labor of another collective remains an impossibility.³¹ Instead of seeking outside guidance, black individuals were required to structure their own groups, clarify their specific challenges, and establish their own strength. This necessity resulted in the creation of working positions within black-only associations, the advancement of black dignity and heritage, and the rejection of the internal sense of lowliness which apartheid had attempted to instill. It has been observed that true liberation required this psychological independence. Because the structure of the state was built upon inequality, the struggle for freedom was carried out by those who experienced the oppression directly.

Black Consciousness emerged during this period because the veteran leaders of the movements had been prevented from acting through banning, imprisonment, or forced migration to other lands. Results of a significant nature had not yet been produced by the armed struggle within the borders of the nation. It has been observed by historians that young black individuals, particularly those within educational institutions, felt deep frustration regarding the sluggish speed of transformation and the persistent dominance of white liberals in the political opposition. A fresh method was desired by these students so that black people could be placed at the core of their own journey toward freedom. The Soweto Uprising of 1976 served as a demonstration of the strength inherent in this philosophy when thousands of learners protested against Bantu Education and the use of Afrikaans for teaching purposes.³² Because reading and debating radical literature assisted in forming a location where the ideologies of apartheid were confronted, the transformation of their perspective became possible, as Mukonde describes in his investigation of Soweto students.³³ Materials belonging to Black Consciousness, the African Writers Series, and publications that were forbidden were examined by the students. Conversations regarding liberty and the act of defiance were held frequently.

Strategy Four: Mass Democratic Action and Negotiation

The 1980s brought a new strategy that mixed mass democratic action with the eventual move to negotiation. The United Democratic Front (UDF), launched in 1983, brought together hundreds of organisations, churches, trade unions, student groups, women's groups and community groups into a non-racial coalition against apartheid.³⁴ The United Democratic Front was established because various groups desired to unify their power against the government. Within the gathering that started the United Democratic Front, Allan Boesak stated that the people had gathered under the banner of this movement the widest and most meaningful gathering of associations and collectives fighting against apartheid, racism, and unfairness that existed since the beginning of the 1950s.³⁵ It has been observed that this movement functioned as a primary force for change through communal strength. When the United Democratic Front organized these diverse groups, the resistance was strengthened. Many people believe that the unity of these organizations made the struggle more effective. Since the United Democratic Front included different types of people, the coalition became a central pillar of the movement. One significant coalition was formed when many local voices joined together.

The UDF formulated a strategy to ensure that the system of apartheid became impossible to manage through the power of collective movement. Rent boycotts, consumer boycotts, industrial strikes, stay-aways, and the deliberate violation of unfair regulations were included in this resistance. Because Africans were excluded, the United Democratic Front also dismissed the tricameral parliament established by the ruling authorities. Experts claim that this parliamentary structure was created to draw Coloured and Indian individuals into a political framework where white dominance was preserved. As Allan Boesak argued, the reality of racism being deeply rooted in South African society was again inscribed into the highest law. Those fundamental laws that serve as the primary foundations of apartheid were observed to remain completely unaltered.³⁶

The reason for employing this strategy was established when military efforts failed to collapse the government. Even though the armed conflict caused many regions to become difficult for the administration to manage, the state remained. Mass action was selected as a method so that common citizens could enter the resistance, which caused the residential townships to become impossible to govern. The UDF desired to construct an expansive, non-racial social organization so that the apartheid system could be challenged from the grassroots level. Guidance was taken from the concepts found in the Freedom Charter and the Defiance Campaign. It is often observed by historians that the movement also gained knowledge from Black Consciousness regarding the necessity of leadership by black individuals and the power of organizing oneself.

The decade of the 1980s also witnessed the emergence of fresh types of social coordination, including labor associations and movements for female individuals. The Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), which was established in 1985, turned into a powerful energy for the entitlements of laborers and structural transformation of the state. It is observed by many historians that female individuals occupied a central position within the UDF and inside collectives such as the Federation of South African Women. Because Magadla demonstrates this reality, the approach of “combative motherhood” was utilized by these women.³⁷ The maternal duties of these individuals were blended with vigorous participation in the liberation conflict. Women like Albertina Sisulu, Winnie Madikizela-Mandela, and numerous common female citizens coordinated the refusal of rent payments, public demonstrations, and secret operations. This specific method was developed because the brutality of apartheid affected these women inside their residences, their ancestral groups, and their local neighborhoods. Experts claim that the domestic sphere could not be separated from the political struggle during this period of history.³⁸

During the final years of the 1980s, the reality that a military victory could not be achieved by either side became evident. The government encountered increasing pressure from foreign nations and economic restrictions. Because the Soviet Union, which had served as a primary supporter of armed conflict, was experiencing a collapse, the liberation movements faced a difficult situation. Within these circumstances, negotiation was viewed as a practical path. After Nelson Mandela was released from his working position of prisoner in 1990, Nelson Mandela stated that the requirement to bring the citizens of the nation together is a duty of high importance today just as the duty has been in the past. It is observed by many people that negotiations are unable to occur above the heads or behind the backs of the people.³⁹

The liberation of Nelson Mandela and the legalizing of the ANC, PAC, and Communist Party created a path for discussions to begin. A strategy was developed by the ANC where public demonstrations were joined with formal dialogue. It was stated by Nelson Mandela that the military conflict would proceed until the necessary environment for negotiation existed. Nelson Mandela also maintained the view that the destiny of the nation must be determined solely by an organization that is chosen through a democratic process without racial discrimination.⁴⁰ These discussions resulted in the inaugural democratic elections of 1994 and the creation of a supreme law containing a Bill of Rights to safeguard the liberties for which individuals had struggled.⁴¹

Conclusion

In conclusion final plans for liberation in South Africa shifted repeatedly because the political environment itself remained in a state of constant transition. Petitions were utilized during the era when individuals-maintained faith in British legal fairness and possessed limited political liberties. When the realization arrived that collective organization was required to exert influence on the ruling authorities and those providing working positions, non-violent mass movements and labor associations were employed. Armed conflict and Black Consciousness emerged after peaceful demonstrations were destroyed by force. It is observed by many historians that only physical strength and psychological liberty were viewed as the means to achieve freedom. Mass democratic participation and formal discussions were initiated when the reality became obvious that a total military triumph was impossible for either side.

Every strategy possessed specific advantages and shortcomings. Petitioning resulted in failure because the United Kingdom lacked the desire to safeguard the legal protections of the African population. Although labor associations and non-aggressive defiance gathered thousands of individuals, these movements were confronted by government brutality. Armed struggle motivated the community and placed stress on the administrative system, even though the military power could not fully collapse the state. Black Consciousness altered the internal thoughts of the people and produced a fresh group of leaders.

Apartheid was rendered non-functional by massive public actions, which established the environment necessary for dialogue. A single approach was not sufficient for success; rather, the combination of various tactics, implemented by diverse organizations at different historical moments, eventually secured the path to liberty.

This long and difficult liberation was a process that compelled the people to modify their habits and improve their techniques as the circumstances required. The individuals who participated in the liberation were not lacking in wisdom; they acted with intelligence and practicality by using the instruments available to them. Because these participants were willing to adjust their visions and persist through new methods, the achievement of freedom was secured.